1 Although Gonda did not doubt the connexion with Skr aïga, he
expressed no view as to the second part of the word. I may suggest that
it is a Prakrit form of Skr bhåta, 'becoming', suggesting that aïga here
does not indicate a 'natural' member, such as a part of the body, but
someone having become a member by joining. The loss of intervocalic
consonants is common in most Prakrits, though aspirates are usually
reduced to h. [See R. Pischel, A Grammar of the Prakrit Languages,
English translation by Subhadra Jha, 1981: 161, & 184].
This etymology remains, however, uncertain as long as the history
of anggota is unknown.
2 Again an uncertain etymology. Derivation from Indon. anjang,
'visit', may seem preferable, but it is also possible that àj¤à with its
unusual consonant cluster for speakers of Indonesian languages was
transformed to anjang by popular etymology.
3 Although there are other examples of the addition of a final h
in words of Sanskrit origin (cf. anugerah, cernah, gajah, silahkan and
perhaps one or two others), the derivation from Skr anta remains
uncertain. Apparently the Indonesian meaning, suggesting ever-moving
borders, may lead to the concept of an unattainable dreamland. The
other possibility, deriving the word from entah, 'do not know', is even
less likely.
4 Although this word is marked as a neologism, it should be added
that anumçta does exist in Sanskrit in its feminine form as anumçtà,
'following her husband in death.'
5 In traditional Malay literature baca means 'read aloud',
corresponding to Skr vàcayati.
6 It is striking that most 'conjunctions' introducing dependent
sentences in Indonesian are either Sanskrit or Arabic in origin (cf.
bahwa, karena, apabila, apakala, kalau, supaya, agar, walaupun and
others).
7 The derivation from Skr bhàva is phonetically unexceptionable
and semantically not unlikely. Cf. G. 378-381 for the evolution of Skr
aspirates in Indonesian. As to the semantic development one may compare
sentences such as Bahwa dia sakit, itu betul (Labrousse s.v. bahwa).
On the other hand, the origin of the second part of bahwasanya (next
entry) is obscure.
8 Although bhattàrà (with double à) is common in Sanskrit I have
found no examples of bhaññàrã, but bhaññàrikà is not rare. Indon.
batari may therefore be based either on an unattested but possibly
existing bhaññàrã or was formed in Indonesia by analogy with deva-dev
etc.
9 Cf. G. 370 for the semantic development of Skr velà from tide,
time and death to 'follow in death'; the common meaning of 'defend' for
(mem)bela may have developed from the idea of sacrificing one's life for
someone or something.
10 See the detailed discussion by Gonda 80, who notes that the word 'has
long been regarded as the only unaltered Pali word' in Indonesian
languages, but also gives a reference to RDS s.v. vala¤jeti, where
Sinhalese influence is suggested. Pali influence is indeed unlikely for
a word belonging to the commercial sphere, whereas Sihala merchants and
craftsmen are known from Old Javanese inscriptions.
11 See note 9 above. The origin of the second part of the compound is
unknown to me.
12 The word bentar is also known from the combination candi bentar, the
split gateway of East Javanese and Balinese temples. As such a gate
often constitutes an opening within the wall surrounding the temple(s)
its derivation from avàntara seems plausible.
13 The form bhràla is already attested in a number of short
inscriptions on Buddhist stone images from Cai Jago; see J.L.A. Brandes,
Tjandi Djago, The Hague-Jakarta 1904, Appendix I: 84-98.
14 In Buddhist Sanskrit texts one often finds vistàreõa, 'in detail',
following a general statement; see Edgerton, Dictionary, s.v.
15 Not mentioned by Gonda, who mentions, however, a number of other
terms in Austronesian languages derived from Skr vidvàn [G.96]. The use
of the masculine form in this case is striking.
16 Again cf. G. 96. Since Old Javanese has widu or bidu, especially in
the combination widu manidung (frequently found in inscriptions), the
derivation from Skr vidvàn is not certain.
17 It is curious that this abbreviated form bijak already occurs as
early as the tenth century A.D. in Old Javanese inscriptions [see J.G.
de Casparis 1988: 39-52, where bijak is, however, found as a proper
name].
18 Presumably from the Pali (or Prakrit) form bhikkhu, but probably via
Old Javanese, where the similar form wiku is often found.
19 1 have not found this compound in any Sanskrit text or dictionary.
20 For this curious change of meaning see G. 153 f. and passim.
21 See budidaya. As to modern Indonesian daya, it is unlikely to be
Nusantaran; see s.v. daya.
22 Few words have given rise to as much discussion as this one. The
semantic development from 'snake' to 'scholar' is difficult to
understand. In addition, it seems odd that just bhujaïga, but not any
of the other numerous Sanskrit words for 'snake', assumed this meaning
of a (traditional) scholar. I am therefore in favour of Gonda's view
(G. 557-561) that it is a Sanskritization of Nus. bujang, '(unmarried)
young man', such as a student. There are parallels, such as lavaga,
'clove', also discussed by Gonda. It is interesting to add that also
Skr brahmacàrin is often associated with study and scholarship, just as
our 'bachelor', which can be used as an academic degree. Yet, others,
notably F.D.K. Bosch, have brought forward arguments that the change of
meaning from 'snake' to 'scholar' is not as strange as it may appear and
occurred already in India. Moreover, bhujaïga, lit.: 'moving in
curves', has also meanings other than 'snake' (see the references in G.).
23 Again a difficult word. Gonda (281-283) rightly argued that the
semantic change can be understood only if we assume influence of Skr
vyakti,'manifestation, visible appearance' etc.
24 Although the Skr word is only known from dictionaries, some kind of
relation between the two words is likely despite the difference of the
final vowel. The word may well have passed through another Indian (or
Southeast Asian) language before being adopted in Indonesian, or it may
have travelled from Southeast Asia to India.
25 The second part of this compound is of uncertain origin and meaning.
26 Or from Skr candra and saükàla.
27 Cf. s.v. acara, which is, however, used in Indonesian in quite a
different meaning.
28 Although the etymology of both cela and celaka seem unexceptionable
as far as form is concerned, the differences in meaning raise serious
doubt. All the derivatives of the root chal suggest fraud. With
reference to celaka G. 101 is rightly sceptical, although the change of
meaning can be explained. There are other possibilities, but they seem
even less likely. Neither word seems Nusantaran.
29 G. 94 compares Hindi carõà.
30 For these words see also G. 150 f., who notes the different meanings
in various Austronesian languages.
31 The word is probably influenced by popular etymology ('blind Chinese').
32 Although there is probably some relationship between dahaga and Skr
dàha, the latter cannot have been the direct prototype. Gonda (399) is,
however, not completely convincing in this case. Since its meaning
suggests the possibility that this is one of the few words that may have
been orally transmitted, one wonders whether the direct prototype of the
Indonesian word was not a Prakrit word corresponding to Skr dàha.
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... change is more difficult to account for than
the kind of dissimilation mentioned in the next entry.
42 In this case it is not the form but the change of meaning that may
raise some slight doubt as to the correctness of the proposed etymology.
Cf., however, G. 261, discussing asmara-jivita.
43 The etymology of this well-known word, found already in Old Javanese
inscriptions of the tenth century, has given rise to much vivid
discussion (as, for instance, in the case of bujangga, see note 22
above). Like gusti, but unlike thani; Old Javanese kabayan is never
spelt with an aspirate bh but the occasional spelling with a long à in
the final syllable may suggest that the word was felt as a derivative
formed with the affixes ka- and -an. This leaves us with the base
bhaya, 'fear, danger' or Skr vayas, 'age'. Neither is, however,
completely satisfactory.
44 Cf. G. 492, who rightly considered another possibility by connecting
the word with kahara, 'hope, expectation.'
45 For this well-known word also cf. G. 99 and elsewhere (see Index).
46 In India, too, karma(n), though also applied to puõya, often carries
a pejorative connotation, too, since it is closely associated with
saüsàra.
47 This often used word in modern Indonesian is clearly a derivative of
Skr. va÷a, preceded by the Austronesian prefix ka-, often used for the
formation of passives. In this case the word probably passed through
Old Javanese, where ka-wa÷a is common. The word is, however, no longer
felt as a passive and forms such as di-kuasai are now common.
48 The form ku¤ci is not attested in Sanskrit dictionaries. The
Indonesian word may go back to early Hindi, where it is common in this
form.
49 On this word see Gonda, Acta Orient. X, 1932: 326-329. His view to
the effect that lawang is an Austronesian word adopted in Sanskrit (and
other Indian languages) seems plausible. In that case, the word should
be omitted from the list of Sanskrit words in Indonesian. It is kept
here only because there may be some slight doubt.
50 The Sanskrit word is sometimes associated with grace and elegance.
51 G. 370 raises some doubt about this etymology on account of the
difference in meaning. One may wonder whether Indon. lena should not
be traced back to Prakrit (or Pali) lena, corresponding to Skr layana,
'lying down.'
52 Instead of mahaguru modern Indonesian more often uses gurubesar
[Skr+--].
53 G. 506 considers the insertion of h merely 'orthographical'; it may
indicate that the vowel of the first syllable is not reduced to e.
54 It is likely that the frequent use of mala at the beginning of
compounds has been influenced by that of mal- in English words (/malabau
= malodorous/).
55 For these curious compounds with pa¤ca (ma¤ca) cf. G. 438 f. In
this case the idea that 'four' constitutes a totality (catur-di÷, 'the
four main directions' etc.) may have entailed the concept of the fifth
(country etc.) being outside the normal range.
56 The striking change in meaning may be due to Tantrism, in particular
to formulas such as the well-known o mai padme håm.
57 For this difficult term, also spelt mae'san cf. L.-C. Damais, /Etudes
javanaises. - I. 'Les tombes musulmanes date'es de Tralaya'/, B.E.F.E.O.
XLVIII, 1954: 357-359.
58 The loss of k (cf. Skr muktà; see MW 820.3) may suggest Prakrit or
Tamil influence. The form mutya is known only from dictionaries. Cf.
also s.v. mute, mutia, mutiara and mut(t)ika below.
59 Probably a fairly modern word, possibly introduced via Javanese. Cf.
G. 464, who analyzes the corresponding Javanese term which, via the
meaning 'former, first', became associated with original inhabitants
pushed to subordinate positions by later immigrants (cf. bh miputra?).
The meaning 'proletarian', best known from the old political party
Partai Murba, may well have been introduced by left-wing politicians.
60 On this curious change of meaning cf. G. 536, who presupposes the
'general sense of deviating from the (or one's) usual behaviour.'
61 For the numerous connotations of nikala in Old (and later) Javanese
see G. 531 f.
62 Presumably, ka was re-interpreted as the Austronesian prefix. The
existence of Skr niùñhà despite its completely different meaning, may
have influenced the use of the shortened form, which also developed a
pejorative connotation.
63 For the complicated semantic development of pada in Malay and
Indonesian see G. 593.
64 This honorific term in Indonesian (as well as in Javanese etc.) may
have developed from the idea that even adressing the king's feet was not
sufficiently humble, so that his footwear, a little lower than his feet,
was substituted. A further development in this direction was the use,
in ancient Java, of the formula lebu ning pàduka ÷rã mahàràja, 'the
dust of the sandals of His Majesty the King.'
65 This striking change of meaning is apparently due to the shape of the
stamina of the beautiful flowers of this lotus.
66 For this puzzling word, strongly reminding us of Skr dakùiõa,
'south', see G. 531.
67 As a number of other words connected with metal work (/gusali,
tembaga, kamsa), pandai/, too, probably comes from early Neo-Indian; see
G. 170 f and De Casparis 1988:61.
68 Cf. G. 631, who suggested that this may be based on an older
Javanese derivative (citralekha, 'scribe', is common in Old Javanese
inscriptions).
69 Again cf. G. 631.
70 Skr parivàra also means 'followers, dependents', but this does not
explain the Indonesian meaning 'advertisement'. Could it be that the
word got the meaning advertisement because the cover of many commodities
contain advertisements?
71 This word, as well as wisata, karyawisata etc. are fairly recent
neologisms not mentioned in the older Indonesian dictionaries. I have
no data to determine when and where these words were first used, so that
the etymology may not be quite certain. Since Skr pravàsita seems to be
a plausible etymon for pariwisata, it is likely that the other words,
including wisata, dharmawisata etc. are based on pariwisata.
72 G. 575 thinks that the striking change of meaning may be due to a
'misunderstanding of the well-known enumerations of the parts of an
Indian army.'
73 G. 122 f. derives the word, however, from Skr parigraha, 'receiving'
etc., but also assumes 'influence of Skt parihàra, 'handing over,
immunity.' It is, however, quite unlikely that Skr parigraha should have
developed into Indon. pelihara, whereas its derivation from parihàra
raises no phonetical difficulty.
74 For an analysis of different derivatives of Skr pàõóya and paNDitaZZ
see G. 170 f.
75 The Skr meaning of parvan has apparently been confined to the time of
the conjunction of the moon and the sun, which is the time of high tide.
76 The semantic development leading to the present use of the term in
law is by no means clear; the term is not used in its present Indonesian
meaning in Indian lawbooks. In Old Javanese (see Zoetmulder-Robson,
s.v.) pradata is used in the meaning of 'communication, explanation.' As
the civil proceedings (as known from Old Javanese jayapattras) mainly
consist of declarations and explanations by each of the litigating
parties the use of a term signifying 'explanation' etc. in referring to
civil law may not seem out of place.
77 Cf. s.v. pariwisata. As to the origin of pramu-, occurring in a
number of neologisms to indicate persons carrying out some activity
specified in the second part of the compound, I have no opinion.
78 G. 109 quotes Kern, who noted that the initial u of the Sanskrit and
Pali word upavàsa (a synonym of the more usual uposatha) has been lost
in all the forms attested in Austronesian languages, which shows that
these forms must go back to a (Prakrit?) prototype which had already
lost its initial vowel.
79 See note 22 above.
80 G. 427-430 has called attention to a considerable number of examples
in Austronesian languages where final -a and -ã alternate. It is likely
that such pairs go back to Skr deva-devi, nagara-nagarã, pura-purã,
which spread also to purely Austronesian words such as pemudo-pemudi.
påjã is not attested in Sanskrit.
81 Cf. the preceding note 80.
82 Cf. purba above. The Indonesian forms with w were probably
introduced via Javanese.
83 Probably via Tamil ràgam, as in anekaragam above and pancaragam
below.
84 I can offer no explanation for this curious change of meaning, which
apparently testifies to a cynical attitude vis-a-vis royal power.
85 Cf. G., 115. The modern meaning of reka has probably developed from
the meaning 'drawing' and later 'image.'
86 Cf. G. 312. The Skr word is also used for 'doorpost.'
87 The Indonesian prefix sa- (se-) is sometimes difficult to distinguish
from Sanskrit sa-, meaning '(together) with', as in the next entry. The
latter is, however, confined to words of Indian origin, but in a few
cases, such as in serupa, 'similar', one may hesitate.
88 Probably via Javanese; see G. 512. The modern Indonesian meaning
probably developed from the idea of all preparations being completed.
89 Cf. note 80 above.
90 The etymology of this common, but apparently modern, word is quite
uncertain. More should be known of the history of this term before any
etymology can be proposed.
91 The meaning of the latter part of the Indonesian word in this context
is by no means clear; one could also think of Skr kalà (one of the 64
arts).
92 The meaning 'legend' has probably developed from that of story, and
the latter again from that of an event dated back to a certain ÷aka
year; the form sasa for ÷aka is probably due to dissimilation.
Presumably the word passed through Javanese before being adopted in
Indonesian.
93 G. 432, discussing both sajja and sàdhya as possible prototypes of
sedia(kàla) rejects Dahl's view on sàdhya in favour of sajja, but
rightly also assumes some form of blending. A third form, viz.
sadàkàla; 'always' is also considered as a possible etymon of sediakala.
94 The absence of a clear Sanskrit prototype is probably the reason why
Gonda has not included this word in his monumental /Sanskrit in
Indonesia. Some relation with Skr sàdhya is, however, likely; the h/ of
the Indonesian word may then be due to an attempt at rendering the
aspirate of the Skr word (cf. harga, harga, sederhana etc.) - but what
is the origin of the latter part of sejahtera?
95 Gonda's derivation from sakala, which normally means 'whole' or 'all'
should probably be slightly modified by analyzing the word as the
Austronesian prefix sa- ('one') and kali from Skr kàla, 'time'.
96 For s(e)lendro see J. Kunst, Music in Java, 3rd ed., 1973: 18 f.
97 Another word (see note 94 above and also 84) which is absent from
Gonda's work, though its ultimate Skr origin can hardly be doubted. The
g instead of k may, however, suggest that the word was perhaps
introduced via Tamil, where derivatives of alaükàra are used in meanings
which get very close to those of selenggara.
98 Neither the derivation from samaya nor that from sam ja is quite
satisfactory for semantic reasons, but the former seems preferable.
99 Cf. s.v. ragam.
100 Quite uncertain.
101 G. 109 compares sàrthena, 'in company with'.
102 It is striking that sida as an honorific 'article' occurs already in
a ninth-century Old Malay inscription of Gandasuli (J. G. de Casparis,
Prasasti Indonesia I, 1950: No. VI, passim). G. 483 f. was right in
opposing the different view I presented six years later in Prasasti
Indonesia II, 1956: 5 (note).
103 The original meaning of sila(h)kan is: '(you are) politely invited
to'; as its base is sila, the h in the normal pronunciation of the word
is an addition, as in gajah and a few other words (see note 3 above).
104 Owing to its religious connotation this word is sometimes wrongly
regarded as of Arabic origin and spelt syorga.
105 Gonda's derivation from Skr suvàsa(s), though phonetically
unexceptionable, seems semantically somewhat far-fetched, if not
impossible. Precisely the opposite is the case with Van Ronkel's
derivation from Tam ÷ogu÷à, which, as Gonda argued, creates phonetical
problems.
106 The Skr origin of this common word is beyond doubt, but one may
hesitate between suvasana and su-àsana as its possible origin. There
are even other possibilities, such as sva-àsana, 'one's own seat', or
even su-vàsana, 'good perfume'. Unfortunately, the history of this word
is unknown.
107 Again an example of the preservation of an aspiration, which was
moved to the end of the word.
108 The direct source of suji is probably Hindi såjã, which in its turn
can be traced back to Skr s ci; see G. 95.
109 Cf. G. 109, who mentions a number of derivatives from Skr sundarã.
110 The Indonesian word is used especially in its derivative
kesusastraan.
111 The form with l instead of d suggests the probability that the word
was introduced into Indonesian via Prakrit or Tamil.
112 For this remarkable change of meaning see Hariani Santiko,
Bhatàrã óurgà, Ph.D. Thesis Fakultas Sastra Universitas Indonesia,
Depok 1992: 148-154.
113 The use of w instead of b may indicate that this word was introduced
via Javanese. The formal identity of the Indonesian (Javanese) and
Sanskrit words suggests a close relationship, but the change in meaning
from a 'drop' (and its associations) to an eight-year cycle is
difficult to explain.
114 Gonda 521 mentions a number of compounds with tun(n)na, such as
tuna-÷akti, 'destitute of power', which are not mentioned in the well
known Sanskrit dictionaries. As a prefix tuna- has (recently?) become
productive (as also pramu-, tata-, swa- and a few others.
115 See s.v. pariwisata, which can be traced back to Skr pravàsita. As
its first part pari- was felt as a prefix used in some Indonesian words
without a clear difference in meaning from the un-prefixed term, e.g.
in puma and paripurna, this part could be omitted.
116 Again an example of a close formal likeness but a sharp difference
in meaning. One would have to know more of the history of the
Indonesian word to be able to explain this difference.
117 A neologism of uncertain origin.
118 The ya of winaya probably disappeared as a consequence of
dissimilation.
119 (No note given.)
MW1
ba[ha]gian
'part', derived according to De Casparis (p. 11) from Sanskrit
bhàgya
'part, good fortune', was in fact probably
formed by suffixation of -an to ba[ha]gi
'divide, for' (given there as bagi 'part, for', rightly
identified as derived from Sanskrit
bhàgã (kç) '[to] divide').
MW2
The derivation of celaka 'mishap' from Sanskrit
chalaka 'delusive' (p. 15) is uncertain because the vowel in the
first syllable is problematic. This word has the doublet cilaka,
apparently an earlier form dating from before the regular shift of the
antepenultimate vowel to schwa: compare Javanese cilaka 'id.',
and cognates in several other languages (Gonda 1973:101, 104, 119), all
with i in the first syllable.
MW3
dukacita 'sorrow': either a direct borrowing of
Sanskrit duþkhàcitta, or modern combination of independently
borrowed Sanskrit components (p. 17). While the compound is not new,
it is interesting to note that speakers obviously perceived the
underlying structure; this follows from the opposition of duka
'sorrow' and suka 'happy' (pp. 17, 35) in an expression like
bertukar-lah dukacita-nya itu dengan sukacita 'sorrow was changed
into joy' (from Abdullah Munsyi's Hikayat Abdullah, quoted in
R.J. Wilkinson, 1903, A Malay-English Dictionary, p. 303).
Dukacita, then, could indeed be the result of a recombination.
If so, however, it must have appeared before the seventeenth century:
the compound is already used in the Abdullah manuscript of the
Sejarah Melayu, which dates from 1612 (T.D. Situmorang and A.
Teeuw, eds, 1952, Sedjarah Melaju, 12:11, 13:16, 16:9,
29:11).
MW4
jasa 'service' , from Sanskrit
vyàsa 'diffusion',
ya÷a÷as 'glory', or
abhyàsa 'exertion'
(p. 20). Alternatively, this
word could perhaps be derived from Pali
ajjhàsaya,
originally 'place, seat, domicile, receptacle', but figuratively also
'inclination, aspiration, wish, mental disposition', for which the short
form ajjhàsa is attested.
MW5
keling 'Indian', from Sanskrit
kAlinga 'inhabitant of Kalinga, south Orissa' (p.
21): the Malay and Sanskrit here are possibly independent loans from a
common precursor, the indigenous name, originally rhyming with
-ing, of a protohistorical, neither Indo-Aryan nor Dravidian,
people of southern Orissa. The additional -ga in the Sanskrit
may indicate acquisition through mediation of a Dravidian language.
Various traditions, including passages in the
mahàbhàrata, seem to suggest that the
Kalingas were Nagas (whatever that might have meant in concrete terms at
the time).
MW6
mani 'sperm', from Sanskrit
maõi 'jewel', (pp. 24, 44, n. 56). It seems more likely that
this reflects Tamil màõi 'student, bachelor, penis';
compare also màõnãyàri 'to circumcise, to castrate
a man' (University of Madras, Tamil Lexicon 1925-36, pp.
3152-3). The full Malay expression for seminal fluid is air
mani, that is: 'mani liquid, liquid of the mani'.